In his walled garden in Isfahan, fragrant with the scent of jasmine and damask roses, the old diplomat remembers. He is a man made of memory, his life a testament to a time when the world was ordered differently. As a young, ambitious man in the foreign ministry of the Shah, and later, after the revolution, as a weary survivor in the ministry of the Ayatollah, he was taught one unwavering and elemental truth: the Russians were not to be trusted.
He remembers the history—not from books, but from the grim stories his grandfather would tell, stories of fighting the bloody Russian incursions into Tabriz during the Great Game of the 19th century. He remembers the quiet, lingering humiliation, a story whispered in his family, of the Soviet occupation of northern Iran during the Second World War, a violation of sovereignty that the West had conveniently ignored. With a still-fresh and personal bitterness, he remembers his own time in the ministry during the bloody eight-year war with Iraq. He remembers the frantic telexes clattering in the operations room day and night, the constant, sickening reports of Soviet-made SCUD missiles, generously supplied by Moscow to Saddam Hussein, slamming into the heart of his home city of Tehran. For his entire generation of diplomats and soldiers, Russia was the great, predatory enemy to the north, a rival empire whose godless communism was second only to the Great Satan in its fundamental menace to the Islamic Republic. For him, Russian promises were written in the ink of Iranian blood.
But in a modern, glass-walled office in a high-rise in northern Tehran, his son, a pragmatic, mid-level officer in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), sees the world through a different, harder lens. He is a man of the new century, and the old grudges are a luxury he cannot afford. He came of age not during the Cold War, but during the endless "War on Terror." His entire worldview was forged in the crucible of crushing American sanctions, in the constant, humming threat of an Israeli air strike on his country’s nuclear facilities, and in the permanent, menacing presence of U.S. carrier strike groups patrolling the waters of the Persian Gulf like silver sharks. For him, the old stories of Russian perfidy are just that—old stories, relics from a black-and-white era. The American threat is not a memory; it is the suffocating, undeniable reality of his daily existence. In Moscow, he sees not a historical rival, but the only great power willing to sell his country the advanced fighter jets it needs to defend itself, the only permanent UN Security Council member willing to use its veto to shield his nation from the punitive resolutions that seek to strangle it, and the only other major power with the will to stand with him against the same great enemy.
During their weekly tea in the Isfahan garden, the generational chasm is laid bare. His father, pouring the fragrant liquid into a small cup, warns him, as he always does. "The bear will always be a bear. It may pretend to be your friend to hunt the same prey, but it will still have claws, and it will still turn on you when it is hungry."
The son sips his tea, the picture of respectful deference, but his mind is on the real, not the remembered, threats. "Father," he replies, his voice firm but quiet, "the bear is keeping the eagle from our door. Right now, in this world, that is the only thing that matters." The ancient garden of old grudges has been paved over by a cold, hard, six-lane highway of shared resentment.
45.1 From Historical Rivalry to a Partnership of Convenience
The modern Russo-Iranian axis is not a natural alliance of civilizations; it is a classic, textbook example of a "realpolitik" alignment forged between two historical rivals who have set aside a legacy of deep-seated animosity to confront a shared, more immediate threat. For centuries, Imperial Russia and Persia were geopolitical competitors, engaged in a "Great Game" for influence and territory in the Caucasus and Central Asia that resulted in multiple bloody wars and humiliating territorial concessions for Persia. In the 20th century, the officially atheist Soviet Union was viewed with profound ideological suspicion by the new Islamic Republic. More pointedly, Moscow became the primary arms supplier and a key backer for Saddam Hussein's Iraq during the devastating eight-year Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). This brutal support, which included the transfer of T-72 tanks and the SCUD missiles that terrorized Tehran, resulted in an estimated one million Iranian casualties and seared a deep legacy of strategic mistrust into the minds of an entire generation of Iranian leaders, many of whom are still in power today. See [citation 1]. This long and bitter history means the current alignment cannot be mistaken for one based on shared values or natural affection. It is a pragmatic, anti-American partnership of convenience built upon a cold, transactional calculation of shared strategic interests.
45.2 The Post-Soviet Thaw: A Common Foe, A Common Threat
The relationship began its slow thaw only after the collapse of the Soviet Union, driven by the emergence of a new set of shared concerns. The Chechen Wars of the 1990s saw both Moscow and Tehran, despite their profound theological and political differences, finding a common, if uneasy, cause in suppressing radical Sunni jihadist movements. For Russia, this was a threat to its internal stability and territorial integrity in the North Caucasus. For the revolutionary Shia government in Tehran, it was an existential sectarian threat on its periphery. This nascent cooperation against a common enemy would later find its ultimate expression on the battlefields of Syria. See [citation 2]. This alignment was cemented throughout the 1990s and 2000s by a steady stream of Russian conventional arms sales to Iran, which was desperate for modern military hardware in the face of a comprehensive Western embargo. Russia became, by default, Iran's only source for relatively modern fighter jets, tanks, and air defense systems.
45.3 The Nuclear Cornerstone
The most important cornerstone of the modern relationship, however, was Russia's indispensable role as the primary international partner in the construction of Iran's Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant. As the West sought to isolate, sanction, and dismantle Iran's nascent nuclear program, Russia stepped in as the one great power willing to provide the high-end technology, expertise, and, crucially, the nuclear fuel required to bring the plant online. This multi-billion-dollar project was not just a commercial transaction; it was an act of deep strategic investment by both sides. It established a lasting technological codependency and gave Russia significant, long-term leverage over Iran's energy security through its control of the fuel supply. For Tehran, Russia's willingness to defy American pressure and complete the Bushehr project was the ultimate proof of its value as a strategic partner. See [citation 3].
45.4 Russia's Masterful Nuclear Double Game
Throughout the multi-year, high-stakes negotiations for the Iran nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA), Russia played a masterful and deeply cynical double game that solidified its position with both sides. To its Western partners in the P5+1, it positioned itself as a responsible global stakeholder and a constructive, indispensable mediator helping to bring a recalcitrant Iran to the negotiating table. Its diplomats in Vienna often played a key role in bridging gaps and finding the technical compromises needed to get the deal over the finish line. Simultaneously, however, at the UN headquarters in New York and in its private dealings with Tehran, Russia acted as Iran's ultimate guarantor. Russian diplomats consistently used their position on the Security Council to water down sanctions resolutions, insert legal loopholes, and ferociously fight to protect Iran's core nuclear infrastructure from any agreement that would require its permanent or total dismantlement. See [citation 4]. This two-faced performance was a strategic triumph. It allowed Russia to present itself to the West as a responsible statesman, while proving to Tehran that it was its essential great-power patron, the one actor it could count on to protect its core interests when faced with overwhelming Western pressure. It was this relationship, forged in the fires of the nuclear crisis, that would form the foundation of their future, full-blown military alliance.
45.5 The Foundation of "Authoritarian Solidarity"
Beyond the purely transactional calculations of shared enemies, the alignment is now reinforced by a soft ideological component best described as "authoritarian solidarity." Both Russia's "managed democracy" and Iran's revolutionary theocracy are regimes that define themselves in direct opposition to the Western liberal-democratic model. They share a deep common interest in pushing back against the international norms of "human rights," "democracy promotion," and internet freedom, all of which both states view not as universal values, but as cynical and politically motivated tools of Western subversion and regime change. Their consistent, coordinated cooperation in international forums to promote concepts like absolute "state sovereignty" over the rights of individuals reflects this shared ideological worldview. This provides a crucial intellectual and political foundation for their pragmatic partnership, lending it a resilience that goes beyond a simple, temporary overlap of interests and into the realm of a shared project to build a post-Western global order.