The board meeting convened at 10:00 p.m. on the fortieth floor of a glass tower in Frankfurt, overlooking the rain-slicked geometry of the financial district. The room smelled of stale coffee and expensive anxiety.
The company, "Verbund AG," was a titan of European industry, a conglomerate whose machinery hummed in factories from Lyon to Novosibirsk. But for the last three months, it had been under siege. Activists were painting red Zs on the pavement outside the lobby. The Yale School of Management had placed them on the dreaded "F Grade" list of companies still doing business in Russia. Major ESG investment funds were threatening to divest.
The CEO, a man whose public image was built on visionary sustainability, smoothed his tie. "We cannot hold the line anymore," he said, his voice grave. "The reputational bleed is affecting the share price. We have to announce the exit."
The Head of Public Relations nodded enthusiastically. He projected a slide titled Project Ethics. "The statement is drafted, sir. 'Verbund AG stands with Ukraine. We are suspending all operations and divesting our Russian assets.' It’s strong. It puts us on the right side of history."
"Excellent," the CEO said. Then his tone shifted, becoming quieter, sharper. "Now. Klaus, show us Project Phoenix."
The PR slide vanished. In its place appeared a schematic of a complex corporate restructuring. The General Counsel, a severe woman with a stack of files in front of her, took the floor.
"As discussed," she began, "a total divestment—shutting the factories, firing the 3 thousand Russian staff, walking away from the equipment—would act as a write-off of nearly two billion euros. Under Russian law, if we abandon the plant, the Kremlin will nationalize it by morning. They get the assets for free. We get nothing."
She tapped the table. "However, our team in Zurich has drafted an alternative. A 'Management Buyout'."
The CFO leaned forward. "Explain the mechanism again for the record."
"We sell the entire Russian subsidiary—the plant in Kaluga, the warehouses, the brand distribution rights—to a new, independent Russian entity," the lawyer explained. "This entity will be owned by 'Igor,' our current country director in Moscow. He is loyal. He understands the game."
"And the sale price?"
"One Euro," she said without blinking.
There was a murmur of approval around the table. It was a perfect accounting loss.
"Crucially," she continued, "the contract includes a call option—a 'Buy-Back Clause.' It is valid for ten years. It gives Verbund AG the unilateral right to repurchase 100% of the company from Igor for the same price of One Euro, plus a modest management fee, at any time of our choosing. Say, for example, once the sanctions are lifted."
"And the supply chain?" the Head of Operations asked. "The Kaluga plant needs our patented controllers to function. We can’t ship them from Hamburg anymore."
"We have already established a new distributor in Istanbul," the lawyer replied smoothly. "They will purchase the components from us legally. They will then resell them to a logistics firm in Kazakhstan. The goods will arrive in Kaluga with a markup, but the factory stays open. The supply chain remains broken on paper, but intact in reality."
The room was silent for a moment. They understood exactly what they were doing. They were not leaving Russia. They were placing their assets into a medically induced coma, protected by a trusted proxy, waiting for the geopolitical storm to pass.
"One final point," the CFO noted, looking at his spreadsheet. "Taxes."
"Igor’s new company will effectively be a Russian entity," the lawyer conceded. "It will have to pay corporate profit taxes to the Russian Federal Treasury. If it doesn't, Igor goes to prison and the asset is seized. We estimate... roughly forty million dollars a year."
The CEO stood up and walked to the window. Forty million dollars. That was enough to buy a hundred Shahed drones. Or a thousand artillery shells. He was authorizing a structure that would funnel that money directly into Vladimir Putin’s war chest, while publicly claiming to stand for democracy.
He turned back to the room. The share price was waiting.
"Do it," he said. "Release the statement. Make sure the font is large: Verbund Leaves Russia. But tell Igor to keep the machines greased. We’ll be back."
94.1 The Great Corporate Charade
In the immediate aftermath of the February 2022 invasion, the Western public was sold a comforting narrative of a "Great Exodus." A parade of press releases from global blue-chip companies—from automakers to fashion houses—announced their "suspension of operations" or "intent to divest" from the Russian market. This collective corporate shunning was framed as a moral triumph of democratic capital over authoritarian aggression.
However, forensic audits conducted two years later by institutions like the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE) and the Yale School of Management reveal a far grayer reality. By early 2024, fewer than 15% of the Western companies with subsidiaries in Russia had fully completed a divestment and actually left the country. The vast majority fell into two camps: the "Stay and Pay" group (who simply refused to leave, citing humanitarian goods or fiduciary duty) and the "Sham Exit" group. The corporate withdrawal was, for many, a masterful exercise in public relations rather than a genuine severing of ties.
94.2 The Mechanics of the Buy-Back Option
For the companies that ostensibly "sold" their Russian businesses, the primary instrument of the sham exit was the "Buy-Back Clause." In this model, a Western parent company sells its valuable Russian subsidiary—including factories, logistics networks, and trademarks—to a local entity, often led by its former Russian management team. The sale price is typically nominal (e.g., one euro or one ruble), representing a total write-off on the current balance sheet.
However, crucially, the contract includes a clause giving the Western seller a unilateral option to repurchase the business at a similarly nominal price within a set window, typically ranging from five to ten years. This legal mechanism transforms the "exit" from a sacrifice into a hiatus. It effectively "parks" the assets in friendly hands, insulating the Western brand from reputational damage while preserving its claim on the future value of the Russian market once sanctions are eventually lifted. It signals to the Kremlin that the departure is temporary and reversible.
94.3 Financing the Invasion
The moral hazard of this lingering presence is quantifiable. Whether operating under their original names or as locally managed "placeholders," these entities continue to generate revenue and, critically, pay taxes. An analysis of Russian tax records indicates that in 2022 and 2023, companies from G7 and EU nations paid billions of dollars in corporate profit taxes directly to the Russian Federal Treasury. Since money is fungible, these tax receipts are co-mingled with the oil revenues used to finance the procurement of Iskander missiles and the salaries of contract soldiers. Western shareholders have thus inadvertently become minority investors in the Russian invasion force, their retained earnings helping to plug the deficit caused by the very sanctions their governments imposed.
94.4 The Failure of Shareholder Primacy
This corporate behavior underscores the limitations of the "Shareholder Primacy" doctrine in the face of geopolitical evil. Under current corporate law in most Western jurisdictions, boards of directors have a fiduciary duty to maximize shareholder value. Voluntary divestment—abandoning a factory to be nationalized by the Russian state for free—is objectively a destruction of value. Without explicit government mandates (laws forcing exit rather than just sanctioning specific sectors), corporate executives are legally and financially incentivized to choose the path of "asset preservation." The prevalence of the sham exit demonstrates that the market mechanism does not possess a conscience; it only possesses a calculus of risk and return. In the absence of a total trade embargo, corporations will rationally act to preserve their capital, even if that capital sits in the treasury of an enemy state.